VEHEMENTER NOS
ENCYCLICAL OF POPE PIUS X
ON THE FRENCH LAW OF SEPARATION
To Our Well-beloved Sons, Francois Marie Richard, Cardinal Archbishop of
Paris; Victor Lucien Lecot, Cardinal Archbishop of Bordeaux; Pierre Hector
Couillie, Cardinal Archbishop of Lyons; Joseph Guillaume Laboure, Cardinal
Archbishop of Rennes; and to all Our Venerable Brethren, the Archbishops and
Bishops, and to all the Clergy and People of France.
Venerable Brethren, Well Beloved Sons, Health and the Apostolic Benediction.
Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and Our heart overflows with grief,
when Our thoughts dwell upon you. How, indeed, could it be otherwise,
immediately after the promulgation of that law which, by sundering violently the
old ties that linked your nation with the Apostolic See, creates for the
Catholic Church in France a situation unworthy of her and ever to be lamented?
That is, beyond question, an event of the gravest import, and one that must be
deplored by all the right-minded, for it is as disastrous to society as it is to
religion; but it is an event which can have surprised nobody who has paid any
attention to the religious policy followed in France of late years. For you,
Venerable Brethren, it will certainly have been nothing new or strange,
witnesses as you have been of the many dreadful blows aimed from time to time by
the public authority at religion. You have seen the sanctity and the
inviolability of Christian marriage outraged by legislative acts in formal
contradiction with them; the schools and hospitals laicized; clerics torn from
their studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be subjected to military
service; the religious congregations dispersed and despoiled, and their members
for the most part reduced to the last stage of destitution. Other legal measures
which you all know have followed: the law ordaining public prayers at the
beginning of each Parliamentary Session and of the assizes has been abolished;
the signs of mourning traditionally observed on board the ships on Good Friday
suppressed; the religious character effaced from the judicial oath; all actions
and emblems serving in any way to recall the idea of religion banished from the
courts, the schools, the army, the navy, and in a word from all public
establishments. These measures and others still which, one after another really
separated the Church from the State, were but so many steps designedly made to
arrive at complete and official separation, as the authors of them have publicly
and frequently admitted.
2. On the other hand the Holy See has spared absolutely no means to avert
this great calamity. While it was untiring in warning those who were at the head
of affairs in France, and in conjuring them over and over again to weigh well
the immensity of the evils that would infallibly result from their separatist
policy, it at the same time lavished upon France the most striking proofs of
indulgent affection. It has then reason to hope that gratitude would have stayed
those politicians on their downward path, and brought them at last to relinquish
their designs. But all has been in vain - the attentions, good offices, and
efforts of Our Predecessor and Ourself. The enemies of religion have succeeded
at last in effecting by violence what they have long desired, in defiance of
your rights as a Catholic nation and of the wishes of all who think rightly. At
a moment of such gravity for the Church, therefore, filled with the sense of Our
Apostolic responsibility, We have considered it Our duty to raise Our voice and
to open Our heart to you, Venerable Brethren, and to your clergy and people - to
all of you whom We have ever cherished with special affection but whom We now,
as is only right, love more tenderly than ever.
3. That the State must be separated from the Church is a thesis absolutely
false, a most pernicious error. Based, as it is, on the principle that the State
must not recognize any religious cult, it is in the first place guilty of a
great injustice to God; for the Creator of man is also the Founder of human
societies, and preserves their existence as He preserves our own. We owe Him,
therefore, not only a private cult, but a public and social worship to honor
Him. Besides, this thesis is an obvious negation of the supernatural order. It
limits the action of the State to the pursuit of public prosperity during this
life only, which is but the proximate object of political societies; and it
occupies itself in no fashion (on the plea that this is foreign to it) with
their ultimate object which is man's eternal happiness after this short life
shall have run its course. But as the present order of things is temporary and
subordinated to the conquest of man's supreme and absolute welfare, it follows
that the civil power must not only place no obstacle in the way of this
conquest, but must aid us in effecting it. The same thesis also upsets the order
providentially established by God in the world, which demands a harmonious
agreement between the two societies. Both of them, the civil and the religious
society, although each exercises in its own sphere its authority over them. It
follows necessarily that there are many things belonging to them in common in
which both societies must have relations with one another. Remove the agreement
between Church and State, and the result will be that from these common matters
will spring the seeds of disputes which will become acute on both sides; it will
become more difficult to see where the truth lies, and great confusion is
certain to arise. Finally, this thesis inflicts great injury on society itself,
for it cannot either prosper or last long when due place is not left for
religion, which is the supreme rule and the sovereign mistress in all questions
touching the rights and the duties of men. Hence the Roman Pontiffs have never
ceased, as circumstances required, to refute and condemn the doctrine of the
separation of Church and State. Our illustrious predecessor, Leo XIII,
especially, has frequently and magnificently expounded Catholic teaching on the
relations which should subsist between the two societies. "Between
them," he says, "there must necessarily be a suitable union, which may
not improperly be compared with that existing between body and soul. - Quaedam
intercedat necesse est ordinata colligatio (inter illas) quae quidem
conjunctioni non immerito comparatur, per quam anima et corpus in homine
copulantur."He proceeds: "Human societies cannot, without becoming
criminal, act as if God did not exist or refuse to concern themselves with
religion, as though it were something foreign to them, or of no purpose to
them.... As for the Church, which has God Himself for its author, to exclude her
from the active life of the nation, from the laws, the education of the young,
the family, is to commit a great and pernicious error. - Civitates non
possunt, citra scellus, gerere se tamquam si Deus omnino non esset, aut curam
religionis velut alienam nihilque profuturam abjicere.... Ecclesiam vero, quam
Deus ipse constituit, ab actione vitae excludere, a legibus, ab institutione
adolescentium, a societate domestica, magnus et perniciousus est error."[1]
4. And if it is true that any Christian State does something eminently
disastrous and reprehensible in separating itself from the Church, how much more
deplorable is it that France, of all nations in the world, would have entered on
this policy; France which has been during the course of centuries the object of
such great and special predilection on the part of the Apostolic See whose
fortunes and glories have ever been closely bound up with the practice of
Christian virtue and respect for religion. Leo XIII had truly good reason to
say: "France cannot forget that Providence has united its destiny with the
Holy See by ties too strong and too old that she should ever wish to break them.
And it is this union that has been the source of her real greatness and her
purest glories.... To disturb this traditional union would be to deprive the
nation of part of her moral force and great influence in the world."[2]
5. And the ties that consecrated this union should have been doubly
inviolable from the fact that they were sanctioned by sworn treaties. The
Concordat entered upon by the Sovereign Pontiff and the French Government was,
like all treaties of the same kind concluded between States, a bilateral
contract binding on both parties to it. The Roman Pontiff on the one side and
the Head of the French Nation on the other solemnly stipulated both for
themselves and their successors to maintain inviolate the pact they signed.
Hence the same rule applied to the Concordat as to all international treaties,
viz., the law of nations which prescribes that it could not be in any way
annulled by one alone of the contracting parties. The Holy See has always
observed with scrupulous fidelity the engagements it has made, and it has always
required the same fidelity from the State. This is a truth which no impartial
judge can deny. Yet today the State, by its sole authority, abrogates the solemn
pact it signed. Thus it violates its sworn promise. To break with the Church, to
free itself from her friendship, it has stopped at nothing, and has not
hesitated to outrage the Apostolic See by this violation of the law of nations,
and to disturb the social and political order itself - for the reciprocal
security of nations in their relations with one another depends mainly on the
inviolable fidelity and the sacred respect with which they observe their
treaties.
6. The extent of the injury inflicted on the Apostolic See by the unilateral
abrogation of the Concordat is notably aggravated by the manner in which the
State has effected this abrogation. It is a principle admitted without
controversy, and universally observed by all nations, that the breaking of a
treaty should be previously and regularly notified, in a clear and explicit
manner, to the other contracting party by the one which intends to put an end to
the treaty. Yet not only has no notification of this kind been made to the Holy
See, but no indication whatever on the subject has been conveyed to it. Thus the
French Government has not hesitated to treat the Apostolic See without ordinary
respect and without the courtesy that is never omitted even in dealing with the
smallest States. Its officials, representatives though they were of a Catholic
nation, have heaped contempt on the dignity and power of the Sovereign Pontiff,
the Supreme Head of the Church, whereas they should have shown more respect to
this power than to any other political power - and a respect all the greater
from the fact that the Holy See is concerned with the eternal welfare of souls,
and that its mission extends everywhere.
7. If We now proceed to examine in itself the law that has just been
promulgated, We find, therein, fresh reason for protesting still more
energetically. When the State broke the links of the Concordat, and separated
itself from the Church, it ought, as a natural consequence, to have left her
independence, and allowed her to enjoy peacefully that liberty, granted by the
common law, which it pretended to assign to her. Nothing of the kind has been
done. We recognize in the law many exceptional and odiously restrictive
provisions, the effect of which is to place the Church under the domination of
the civil power. It has been a source of bitter grief to Us to see the State
thus encroach on matters which are within the exclusive jurisdiction of the
Church; and We bewail this all the more from the fact that the State, dead to
all sense of equity and justice, has thereby created for the Church of France a
situation grievous, crushing, and oppressive of her most sacred rights.
8. For the provisions of the new law are contrary to the constitution on
which the Church was founded by Jesus Christ. The Scripture teaches us, and the
tradition of the Fathers confirms the teaching, that the Church is the mystical
body of Christ, ruled by the Pastors and Doctors (I Ephes.
iv. II sqq.) - a society of men containing within its own fold chiefs who have
full and perfect powers for ruling, teaching and judging (Matt. xxviii.
18-20; xvi. 18, 19; xviii. 17; Tit. ii. 15; 11. Cor. x. 6; xiii.
10. & c.) It follows that the Church is essentially an unequal
society, that is, a society comprising two categories of per sons, the Pastors
and the flock, those who occupy a rank in the different degrees of the hierarchy
and the multitude of the faithful. So distinct are these categories that with
the pastoral body only rests the necessary right and authority for promoting the
end of the society and directing all its members towards that end; the one duty
of the multitude is to allow themselves to be led, and, like a docile flock, to
follow the Pastors. St. Cyprian, Martyr, expresses this truth admirably when he
writes: "Our Lord, whose precepts we must revere and observe, in
establishing the episcopal dignity and the nature of the Church, addresses Peter
thus in the gospel: Ego dico tibi, quia tu es Petrus, etc. Hence, through
all the vicissitudes of time and circumstance, the plan of the episcopate and
the constitution of the Church have always been found to be so framed that the
Church rests on the Bishops, and that all its acts are ruled by them. - Dominus
Noster, cujus praecepta metuere et servare debemus, episcopi honorem et
ecclesiae suae rationem disponens, in evangelio loquitur et dicit Petro: Ego
dico tibi quia tu es Petrus, etc.... Inde per temporum et successionum vices
Episcoporum ordinatio et Ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut Ecclesia super Episcopos
constituatur et omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernetur" (St.
Cyprian, Epist. xxvii.-xxviii. ad Lapsos ii. i.) St. Cyprian affirms that all
this is based on Divine law, divina lege fundatum.The Law of Separation,
in opposition to these principles, assigns the administration and the
supervision of public worship not to the hierarchical body divinely instituted
by Our Savior, but to an association formed of laymen. To this association it
assigns a special form and a juridical personality, and considers it alone as
having rights and responsibilities in the eyes of the law in all matters
appertaining to religious worship. It is this association which is to have the
use of the churches and sacred edifices, which is to possess ecclesiastical
property, real and personal, which is to have at its disposition (though only
for a time) the residences of the Bishops and priests and the seminaries; which
is to administer the property, regulate collections, and receive the alms and
the legacies destined for religious worship. As for the hierarchical body of
Pastors, the law is completely silent. And if it does prescribe that the
associations of worship are to be constituted in harmony with the general rules
of organization of the cult whose existence they are designed to assure, it is
none the less true that care has been taken to declare that in all disputes
which may arise relative to their property the Council of State is the only
competent tribunal. These associations of worship are therefore placed in such a
state of dependence on the civil authority that the ecclesiastical authority
will, clearly, have no power over them. It is obvious at a glance that all these
provisions seriously violate the rights of the Church, and are in opposition
with her Divine constitution. Moreover, the law on these points is not set forth
in clear and precise terms, but is left so vague and so open to arbitrary
decisions that its mere interpretation is well calculated to be productive of
the greatest trouble.
9. Besides, nothing more hostile to the liberty of the Church than this Law
could well be conceived. For, with the existence of the associations of worship,
the Law of Separation hinders the Pastors from exercising the plenitude of their
authority and of their office over the faithful; when it attributes to the
Council of State supreme jurisdiction over these associations and submits them
to a whole series of prescriptions not contained in the common law, rendering
their formation difficult and their continued existence more difficult still;
when, after proclaiming the liberty of public worship, it proceeds to restrict
its exercise by numerous exceptions; when it despoils the Church of the internal
regulation of the churches in order to invest the State with this function; when
it thwarts the preaching of Catholic faith and morals and sets up a severe and
exceptional penal code for clerics - when it sanctions all these provisions and
many others of the same kind in which wide scope is left to arbitrary ruling,
does it not place the Church in a position of humiliating subjection and, under
the pretext of protecting public order, deprive peaceable citizens, who still
constitute the vast majority in France, of the sacred right of practicing their
religion? Hence it is not merely by restricting the exercise of worship (to
which the Law of Separation falsely reduces the essence of religion) that the
State injures the Church, but by putting obstacles to her influence, always a
beneficent influence over the people, and by paralyzing her activity in a
thousand different ways. Thus, for instance, the State has not been satisfied
with depriving the Church of the Religious Orders, those precious auxiliaries of
hers in her sacred mission, in teaching and education, in charitable works, but
it must also deprive her of the resources which constitute the human means
necessary for her existence and the accomplishment of her mission.
10. In addition to the wrongs and injuries to which we have so far referred,
the Law of Separation also violates and tramples under foot the rights of
property of the Church. In defiance of all justice, it despoils the Church of a
great portion of a patrimony which belongs to her by titles as numerous as they
are sacred; it suppresses and annuls all the pious foundations consecrated, with
perfect legality, to divine worship and to suffrages for the dead. The resources
furnished by Catholic liberality for the maintenance of Catholic schools, and
the working of various charitable associations connected with religion, have
been transferred to lay associations in which it would be idle to seek for a
vestige of religion. In this it violates not only the rights of the Church, but
the formal and explicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is also a
subject of keen grief to Us that the law, in contempt of all right, proclaims as
property of the State, Departments or Communes the ecclesiastical edifices
dating from before the Concordat. True, the Law concedes the gratuitous use, for
an indefinite period, of these to the associations of worship, but it surrounds
the concession with so many and so serious reserves that in reality it leaves to
the public powers the full disposition of them. Moreover, We entertain the
gravest fears for the sanctity of those temples, the august refuges of the
Divine Majesty and endeared by a thousand memories to the piety of the French
people. For they are certainly in danger of profanation if they fall into the
hands of laymen.
11. When the law, by the suppression of the Budget of Public Worship,
exonerates the State from the obligation of providing for the expenses of
worship, it violates an engagement contracted in a diplomatic convention, and at
the same time commits a great injustice. On this point there cannot be the
slightest doubt, for the documents of history offer the clearest confirmation of
it. When the French Government assumed in the Concordat the obligation of
supplying the clergy with a revenue sufficient for their decent subsistence and
for the requirements of public worship, the concession was not a merely
gratuitous one - it was an obligation assumed by the State to make restitution,
at least in part, to the Church whose property had been confiscated during the
first Revolution. On the other hand when the Roman Pontiff in this same
Concordat bound himself and his successors, for the sake of peace, not to
disturb the possessors of property thus taken from the Church, he did so only on
one condition: that the French Government should bind itself in perpetuity to
endow the clergy suitably and to provide for the expenses of divine worship.
12. Finally, there is another point on which We cannot be silent. Besides the
injury it inflicts on the interests of the Church, the new law is destined to be
most disastrous to your country. For there can be no doubt but that it
lamentably destroys union and concord. And yet without such union and concord no
nation can live long or prosper. Especially in the present state of Europe, the
maintenance of perfect harmony must be the most ardent wish of everybody in
France who loves his country and has its salvation at heart. As for Us,
following the example of Our Predecessor and inheriting from him a special
predilection for your nation, We have not confined Ourself to striving for the
preservation of full rights of the religion of your forefathers, but We have
always, with that fraternal peace of which religion is certainly the strongest
bond ever before Our eyes, endeavored to promote unity among you. We cannot,
therefore, without the keenest sorrow observe that the French Government has
just done a deed which inflames on religious grounds passions already too
dangerously excited, and which, therefore, seems to be calculated to plunge the
whole country into disorder.
13. Hence, mindful of Our Apostolic charge and conscious of the imperious
duty incumbent upon Us of defending and preserving against all assaults the full
and absolute integrity of the sacred and inviolable rights of the Church, We do,
by virtue of the supreme authority which God has confided to Us, and on the
grounds above set forth, reprove and condemn the law voted in France for the
separation of Church and State, as deeply unjust to God whom it denies, and as
laying down the principle that the Republic recognizes no cult. We reprove and
condemn it as violating the natural law, the law of nations, and fidelity to
treaties; as contrary to the Divine constitution of the Church, to her essential
rights and to her liberty; as destroying justice and trampling underfoot the
rights of property which the Church has acquired by many titles and, in
addition, by virtue of the Concordat. We reprove and condemn it as gravely
offensive to the dignity of this Apostolic See, to Our own person, to the
Episcopacy, and to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. Therefore, We
protest solemnly and with all Our strength against the introduction, the voting
and the promulgation of this law, declaring that it can never be alleged against
the imprescriptible rights of the Church.
14. We had to address these grave words to you, Venerable Brethren, to the
people of France and of the whole Christian world, in order to make known in its
true light what has been done. Deep indeed is Our distress when We look into the
future and see there the evils that this law is about to bring upon a people so
tenderly loved by Us. And We are still more grievously affected by the thought
of the trials, sufferings and tribulations of all kinds that are to be visited
on you, Venerable Brethren, and on all your clergy. Yet, in the midst of these
crushing cares, We are saved from excessive affliction and discouragement when
Our mind turns to Divine Providence, so rich in mercies, and to the hope, a
thousand times verified, that Jesus Christ will not abandon His Church or ever
deprive her of His unfailing support. We are, then, far from feeling any fear
for the Church. Her strength and her stability are Divine, as the experience of
ages triumphantly proves. The world knows of the endless calamities, each more
terrible than the last, that have fallen upon her during this long course of
time - but where all purely human institutions must inevitably have succumbed,
the Church has drawn from her trials only fresh strength and richer
fruitfulness. As to the persecuting laws passed against her, history teaches,
even in recent times, and France itself confirms the lesson, that though forged
by hatred, they are always at last wisely abrogated, when they are found to be
prejudicial to the interests of the State. God grant those who are at present in
power in France may soon follow the example set for them in this matter by their
predecessors. God grant that they may, amid the applause of all good people,
make haste to restore to religion, the source of civilization and prosperity,
the honor which is due to her together with her liberty.
15. Meanwhile, and as long as oppressive persecution continues, the children
of the Church, putting on the arms of light, must act with all their
strength in defense of Truth and justice - it is their duty always, and today
more than ever. To this holy contest you, Venerable Brethren, who are to be the
teachers and guides, will bring all the force of that vigilant and indefatigable
zeal of which the French Episcopate has, to its honor, given so many well-known
proofs. But above all things We wish, for it is of the greatest importance, that
in all the plans you undertake for the defense of the Church, you to endeavor to
ensure the most perfect union of hearts and wills. It is Our firm intention to
give you at a fitting time practical instructions which shall serve as a sure
rule of conduct for you amid the great difficulties of the present time. And We
are certain in advance that you will faithfully adopt them. Meanwhile continue
the salutary work you are doing; strive to kindle piety among the people as much
as possible; promote and popularize more and more the teaching of Christian
doctrine; preserve the souls entrusted to you from the errors and seductions
they meet on all sides; instruct, warn, encourage, console your flocks, and
perform for them all the duties imposed on you by your pastoral office. In this
work you will certainly find indefatigable collaborators in your clergy. They
are rich in men remarkable for piety, knowledge, and devotion to the Holy See,
and We know that they are always ready to devote themselves unreservedly under
your direction to the cause of the triumph of the Church and the eternal
salvation of souls. The clergy will also certainly understand that during the
present turmoil they must be animated by the sentiments professed long ago by
the Apostles, rejoicing that they are found worthy to suffer opprobrium for the
name of Jesus, "Gaudentes quoniam digni habiti sunt pro nomine Jesu
contumeliam pati" (Rom. xiii. 12). They will therefore stoutly
stand up for the rights and liberty of the Church, but without offense to
anybody. Nay more, in their earnestness to preserve charity, as the ministers of
Jesus Christ are especially bound to do, they will reply to iniquity with
justice, to outrage with mildness, and to ill-treatment with benefits.
16. And now We turn to you, Catholics of France, asking you to receive Our
words as a testimony of that most tender affection with which We have never
ceased to love your country, and as comfort to you in the midst of the terrible
calamities through which you will have to pass. You know the aim of the impious
sects which are placing your heads under their yoke, for they themselves have
proclaimed with cynical boldness that they are determined to "de
Catholicise" France. They want to root out from your hearts the last
vestige of the faith which covered your fathers with glory, which made your
country great and prosperous among nations, which sustains you in your trials,
which brings tranquillity and peace to your homes, and which opens to you the
way to eternal happiness. You feel that you must defend this faith with your
whole souls. But be not deluded - all labor and effort will be useless if you
endeavor to repulse the assaults made on you without being firmly united.
Remove, therefore, any causes of disunion that may exist among you. And do what
is necessary to ensure that your unity may be as strong as it should be among
men who are fighting for the same cause, especially when this cause is of those
for the triumph of which everybody should be willing to sacrifice something of
his own opinions. If you wish, within the limits of your strength and according
to your imperious duty, to save the religion of your ancestors from the dangers
to which it is exposed, it is of the first importance that you show a large
degree of courage and generosity. We feel sure that you will show this
generosity; and by being charitable towards God's ministers, you will incline
God to be more and more charitable toward yourselves.
17. As for the defense of religion, if you wish to undertake it in a worthy
manner, and to carry it on perseveringly and efficaciously, two things are first
of all necessary: you must model yourselves so faithfully on the precepts of the
Christian law that all your actions and your entire lives may do honor to the
faith you profess, and then you must be closely united with those whose special
office it is to watch over religion, with your priests, your bishops, and above
all with this Apostolic See, which is the pivot of the Catholic faith and of all
that can be done in its name. Thus armed for the fray, go forth fearlessly for
the defense of the Church; but take care that your trust is placed entirely in
God, for whose cause you are working, and never cease to pray to Him for help.
18. For Us, as long as you have to struggle against danger, We will be heart
and soul in the midst of you; labors, pains, sufferings - We will share them all
with you; and pouring forth to God, who has founded the Church and ever
preserves her, Our most humble and instant prayers, We will implore Him to bend
a glance of mercy on France, to save her from the storms that have been let
loose upon her, and, by the intercession of Mary Immaculate, to restore soon to
her the blessings of calm and peace.
19. As a pledge of these heavenly gifts and a proof of Our special
predilection, We impart with all Our heart the Apostolic Benediction to you,
Venerable Brethren, to your clergy and to the entire French people.
Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, on February 11 in the year 1906, the third of
Our Pontificate.
PIUX X
1. Ency. Immortale Dei Nov. 1, 1885.
2. Allocution to the French pilgrims, April 13, 1888.
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